Apart from the obvious inability to define a way forward that will deliver the mendacious manifesto that the Vote Leave campaign and UKIP's fellow-fascist-travellers bequeathed as part of their destruction and mayhem, May has it easy. The toxic tone of Labour's leadership campaign continues to astound, as it is difficult to see how the bilious rhetoric and victimisation can play out after a probable re-endorsement of Jeremy Corbyn. There is no inevitability of a SDP-style split, but paralysing the party that still represents the official Opposition in the face of a national emergency does not appear to be serving the electorate or offering an alternative.
There has been a considerable quantity of propaganda about relatively benign economic statistics, partly a consequence of the pre-existing trends but also an automatic reaction to the sudden and random devaluation of the UK's currency. This is being touted by the imbecilic as indicating that all the concerns over Brexit's consequences were scare-mongering, without taking into account the lag between political action and impacts on the real economy - quite apart from the convenient denial that there has been no formal effort to commence the process, beyond establishing a government department whose Ministerial competence would not register on a micrometer.
As someone who will not be reconciled to the perversion of the constitutional framework (any less nebulous definition would be over-generous) there is a feeling of stasis at present, before the legal and Parliamentary direction becomes clear. The failure to articulate the centrality of the rule of law is a criminal omission on the part of May and her adventurist crew, and should be chased down by all those concerned that whatever the outcome, there is a representative decision. Instead Corbyn has spent his time alternately denying that his activists have an attitude problem and not articulating any specific reason why any floating voter should consider a Labour vote.
With a government of spies, this is not going to be acceptable for long. The approach adopted by Sturgeon in Scotland manages to combine a wider national interest with partisan advantage, and this needs to be adopted and developed across the other three nations of the UK. The challenge to peace and stability posed by the inept drafting and deliberate obfuscation over the status of the Northern Irish constitutional settlement deserves to be explored further, and answers given that do not change with the phases of the moon or whichever planet Davis happens to be imagining.
The closest parallel I can work through is the phoney way period after September 1939. That was a similar period of national delusion, and ended badly. Whereas in 1941 the United States and Soviet Union's immersion in conflict caused them to ride to the rescue of plucky little Britain, it is difficult to see where any external help could emerge from. We are a global laughing stock, casting ourself adrift, and there is nobody in charge. Ashamed to be defined British, in a racist timewarp, it would be tempting to give up - but there is no way I would ever give the motley rabble the satisfaction.